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THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY
begin by noting that the Grammars, as a rule, define
caesura in a way which, while accurate enough, mis-
leads. According to them, we have caesura whenever a
word ends within a foot. It follows that we may have
numerous caesuras — five or six — in a single verse. It
would be better to think of caesura in one way only — as
a pause conditioned either by the necessity of taking
breath within the verse, or by a pause in the sense, or
by both factors at once. In this sense, we have in
many verses two caesuras; in some, even three. Next,
many find trouble in the fact that, if they fix on a certain
point in the verse as the proper place for the caesura,
words which belong closely together in logic and syntax
stand on opposite sides of the caesura. I found no light
anywhere on this point until I read Evangeline through,
several times, from end to end, aloud. I noted pres-
ently that in verse after verse I had, of necessity, from
limitations of breath, or from the effort to give the
sense, or from both causes together, made a caesural
pause at points so set in the verse that words which
belonged closely together in logic and syntax were on
opposite sides of the caesura. I concluded that, since
this was giving me no trouble in English, my vernacular,
it would give no trouble to a Roman, who understood
Latin as his vernacular : my task, then, was merely to
come to know Latin better.
In the early part of this editorial I spoke of the extent
to which the language of the poets is affected and
determined by purely metrical considerations. These
matters ought, it seems to me, to be brought to the
attention of the secondary student of Vergil. It is a
task easy of accomplishment if the pupil has received
any sort of adequate training in the hexameter; if the
teacher discharges this task well, he will inevitably
deepen the respect and admiration of his pupils for
Vergil, by giving them some conception of the difficulties
which in matters of form Vergil met and overcame.
Further, a teacher might compare, for his own good as
well as his pupils', some of the best as well as some of the
worst verses in Ennius with good in the Aeneid, and
thereby make even the dullest of his pupils realize the
gap between the hexameters that mark the beginnings
and those that mark the culmination of that type of
poetic form among the Romans. He might compare
verses of Catullus and Lucretius, too, with verses of
Vergil, to show what advances Vergil made over his
immediate predecessors; and lastly, by setting Vergil's
verses side by side with those of Lucan, Ovid, or even
Juvenal, he might show how incapable any one else was,
even with Vergil before him as a model, to duplicate
Vergil's achievement. All this is in reality compara-
tively simple work, not involving understanding of the
subject-matter of the works referred to, and likely to
stimulate understanding and appreciation of metrical
form. If the teacher has no time to do this with his
pupils he should do it for himself. This study of the
metrical form of the Aeneid will lead him to juster
apprehension and appreciation of the Aeneid itself. It
is true that Vergil loved, for their own sake, intricate
and unusual turns of expression; but it is also true that
much that strikes one, at least at first, as disagreeable
in the language of Vergil was forced upon him by condi-
tions which, with all his marvelous skill, he was not able
to overcome entirely. To realize, first, how ill-adapted
the Latin language was, naturally, to the hexameter,
to gain some conception of the history of this form of
verse among the Romans, to appreciate, even if but
faintly, how much Vergil achieved in his hexameters,
must waken admiration for Vergil's powers as a poet.
Almost at the very beginning of Greek litera-
ture stands the line, n-oXXflp 5' ivSpiiwwv tSer Atrrea.,
'he saw the cities of many men', and after this line
comes the account of the travels of Odysseus to these
same cities, our first itinerary. From the days of
Homer there were Greek descriptions of travels, some-
times merely incidental to the author's theme, some-
times the most important part of his task. Pausanias,
the industrious sightseer, who has been called an
ancient Baedeker, is only the best-known of a long
series of travellers who told of their journeys in Greece
and of the marvels they had seen. The Anabasis of
Xenophon and the Anabasis of Arrian give us full
descriptions of travels in Asia. For Africa we have the
Greek epitome of the story of the voyage of the Cartha-
ginian Hanno, who in the fifth century B.C. founded a
string of colonies along the west coast of the dark
continent. There are a number of descriptions of the
Red Sea and of the Indian Ocean, some depending on
autopsy, others on hearsay and the writer's imagination.
The cities a traveller would see along the coasts of the
Mediterranean and of the Black Sea have been described
several times. In fact, accounts of travels were so
abundant that people finally began to parody them.
Lucian's True History is a delightful take-off of some of
the more fanciful travellers' tales. It leads us a journey
of eighty days west of the Pillars of Hercules, to the
moon, to the sun, to the Islands of the Blest, etc.
But it is not my intention to discuss all the writers of
travels, Greek or Roman, or to give an outline of the
history of travel or a summary of ancient geography.
I would, however, like to call your attention to some
late Latin documents which are called Itineraria,
Itineraries, and to a few others very closely related to
them, even though they do not actually bear the name
On the Lago di Bracciano, about twenty-five miles
north of Rome, are some hot sulphur springs which
anciently were known as Aquae Apollinares. In 1852
their modern owners, the monks of a Jesuit monastery,
noticed that the masonry about the mouth of the spring
needed repairing. So they sent for a corps of Roman
artisans and ordered them to remove the stonework,
which had been placed there perhaps as early as the
Etruscan period. Only a few feet below the normal
level of the water the workmen came upon a layer of
THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY
bronze and silver coins of the fourth century A.D.
Beneath this was a stratum of gold and silver pieces of
the early Empire. Then came silver family and
consular money of the Republic. Under this were
found bronze sextants, quadrants, trients, etc., of the
most ancient period. The workmen divided among
themselves the gold and the silver and made away with
it. When everything of value, as they thought, had
been abstracted, they called the owners of the spring.
The bronze pieces which were then gathered by the
monks made the find the largest single discovery of
coins of this sort. More than four thousand coins of
Republican times were found, among them pieces from
Rome, Naples, Metapontum, Syracuse, and other
cities; besides these, one thousand four hundred speci-
mens of aes grave signatum, and more than half a ton
of aes rude. Underneath all this a thick layer of
neolithic remains, arrowheads, knives of polished stone,
etc., came to light. The whole find is now one of the
treasures of the Museo Kircheriano in Rome. Its value
is probably very much greater than that of the gold
and the silver coins secreted by the original finders.
The workmen had come upon a collection which
represented an accumulation of votive offerings. From
time immemorial these hot springs must have been
frequented. The visitor who was cured . or at least
aided by the use of the waters would on his departure
throw a small offering into the spring in order to show
his gratitude to the nymphs and to Apollo. In this way
a treasure was gradually accumulated.
Now, besides the coins a few other objects of value
were recovered in the water, among them four silver
cups of cylindrical shape, 9-15 cm. high and 6-7 cm. in
diameter. On the outside of these there is engraved a
list of cities and stations and the distances between
them, the whole giving us the complete route from
Gades (Cadiz) in Spain to Rome. Some silversmith in
Gades had very conveniently inscribed the cup which
the traveller was to use on his journey with the route
over which he was to pass.
Each of the four lists has a heading saying that this is
the itinerary from Gades to Rome. Then follow the
names of the cities in four columns, each of 25-26
AD PORTUM XXIII (=the number of miles),
HASTAM XVI, UGIAM XXVII, ORIPPUM XXIIII,
HISPALIM VIII, CARMONEM XXII, OBUCLAM
The route given on these cups leads from Gades north
along the Via Julia up the valley of the Baetis (Guadal-
quiver) until it strikes the seacoast near Saguntum,
then follows Hannibal's line of march along the coast
of Spain and southern France, turns up the Rhone for a
short distance, crosses the Cottian Alps to Turin, goes
along the southern side of the Po valley, down the
eastern shore of Italy to Ariminum, then across the
Apennines to Rome. The distance is summed up at
the end of the itinerary; it amounts to the respectable
sum of 1840 miles.
There are a few variations in the routes on the differ-
ent cups, both as to the towns given and as to the dis-
tances between them. The goblets were probably not
all made at the same time, and the differences perhaps
represent minor changes in the route. Some of them
are self-explanatory. For instance, a long stage might
be broken up and a new station added. Or in the
mountainous regions there might be an alteration of the
road caused by the desire for an easier grade. Smaller
discrepancies in the numbers, 16 for 15 miles, etc., prob-
ably represent mere differences in the estimates of the
Some other variations may be noted. The first cup
bears this heading: ITINERARIUM A GADES 1
ROMAM. The second reads: AB* GADES USQUE
ROMAITINERARE. The third runs: ITINERARE
A GADES USQUE ROMA', the fourth, A GADIBUS
Similar differences are to be seen in the list themselves.
The first cup has most of the names in the. accusative,
the correct case; the others have an occasional accusa-
tive, but the ablative is more frequent. Thus, HAS-
TAM becomes HASTA, UGIAM UGIA, ORIPPUM
ORIPPO. Now and then there is a locative form too;
e. g. CORDUBAM becomes CORDUBA, then COR-
DUBAE. Other mistakes are plentiful; REGIUM
LEPIDI, for example, appears as LEPIDUM REGIUM,
REGIO LEPIDI, LEPIDO REGIO, REGIO. Ae
and e are often confused.
This variation in the use of the cases, the uncertainty
of the writers about prepositions, the bad spelling, and
so forth, prove that these lists must have been made in
fairly late times, when the Latin system of case-con-
structions was breaking down, when people no longer
had a feeling for the meaning of the inflections, and when
the pronunciation had changed considerably from the
standards of Cicero's time. Some details in the course
of the roads help us to fix the date of the cups with
greater precision; it is the third century of our era.
A bronze cup of the same sort was found in Britain;
it gives the names of five cities along Hadrian's wall.
Very similar to the itineraries engraved on these
goblets are some that have been preserved in manu-
script. The best-known and most complete of this
series is the Itinerarium Provinciarum Antonini
Augusti, going back, as the name indicates, to one of the
Antonines. Instead of giving merely the route be-
tween two points in the Roman Empire, it contains
lists of almost all the Roman roads and the stations on
them, in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily, Gaul, Spain, Britain,
the Balkan Peninsula, and a large part of Italy; besides
this, an itinerary from Rome through Pannonia,
Moesia, Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt to the
southernmost boundary of the Roman Empire,
A work of a similar character is the Itinerarium
Maritumum, which does for the shores and the islands
l Note the accusative with a. So, in the heading of the third cup.
In the heading of the fourth cup we have a Cadibus.
3 .4 Gades was not bad enough!
'Note usque with the ablative.
THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY
of the Mediterranean what the others do for the
An entirely different impression is obtained from the
so-called Tabula Peutingeriana, a copy of an original
of about 250 A.D. It is a map, if we can call it by so
dignified a name, which represents the Roman Empire.
But this map is about twenty feet long and one foot
wide. We can readily imagine what happens to the
countries under these conditions. Italy runs east and
west. The Nile flows east, except for the Delta, and
its source is very near Crete, much nearer than the Delta
is. The island of Cyprus lies in a long, narrow bay, just
east of Sidon and Tyre; the long and narrow bay is the
eastern end of the Mediterranean, but it is no more
elongated than any other part of the inland sea.
Curious, too, is the method of representation. The
cities are indicated by two little houses with red roofs
and doors; smaller fortresses by two towers, larger
fortresses by a ring of towers; Rome, Constantinople,
and Antioch by seated female figures; bathing-places
and hot springs by a tank in the center of a large house.
Now and then there appears a building of some other
shape, with a legend attached, e. g. Hoc est templum
Asclepii. The mountains are curiously flat. They are
depicted by a straight line below and a scalloped line
above; the intervening space is filled with yellow or
black. The roads, drawn in red, are very prominent.
Now, in spite of the grotesque shape of the countries
pictured, this map does give us a fairly accurate scheme
of the Roman roads. For after all the roads are the
important thing for the writer or painter of this descrip-
tion. The mountains, rivers, and other natural features
which are introduced play no great r&le. The Tabula
Peutingeriana is a true itinerary, an Itinerarium
Somewhat closer to the itineraries of the cups is the
so-called Itinerarium Burdigalense. It gives the route
from Burdigala (Bordeaux) in southwestern France to
Jerusalem. This runs via Aries, Turin, Milan, Aquileia
through modem Servia and Bulgaria to Constantinople,
then through Asia Minor to Antioch and Jerusalem.
The return journey is made through Macedonia, across
the Adriatic, to Beneventum, to Rome, then to Milan,
where it joins the original route.
Now in this itinerary short notices are occasionally
found, such as inde incipiunt Alpes Cottiae, or transis
pontem, intras Pannoniam inf eriorem, or ci vitas Vimina-
tio mil. X: ubi Diocletianus occidit Carinum, or
mansio Libissa mil. VIII. : ibi positus est rex Annibali-
anus (Hannibal is meant !) qui fuit Afrorum.
However, when we come to Palestine, the account
grows much fuller. We have here a description of the
Holy Land five or six pages in length, which is very
important because it is the first of a long series of
descriptions of Palestine. It was written during the
life-time of Constantine, only seven years after the
famous pilgrimage of his mother, St. Helena. Many
of the sites that are still shown to tourists are already
pointed out in this itinerary: Golgatha and the Holy
Sepulcher, the tombs of the prophets, the place where
the Jews weep, the cave in which Christ was born, the
fountain at which Philip baptized the eunuch, etc.
Among the more apocryphal might be mentioned the
tree on which Zacchaeus climbed to see the Lord, and
the cave where Solomon tortured the demons. Rather
interesting is the writer's remark about the pool of
Siloam : Haec ( !) fons sex diebus atque nocti'_>us currit,
septima vero die est sabbatum; in totum nee nocte nee
This Bordeaux Itinerary is, however, far surpassed by
the Peregrinatio Aetheriae or Sanctae Silviae. This is
the best known and most interesting of the many
accounts of pilgrimages. Besides its very great value
as an example of late Latin of the worst sort, its con-
tents are most important for the student of Palestinian
archaeology. It is very detailed; the bare lists of
names have made way for a careful description of the
places seen and of the actions of the visitors. The
account unfortunately is fragmentary (the chief part,
concerning the travels in Palestine, has been lost) ; still
there remain about thirty pages of notes on Sinai,
Egypt, and Mesopotamia, and twenty pages more
describing minutely the order of service in the various
Churches of Jerusalem and nearby places.
The account is written for some women, who are
addressed as dominae venerabiles sorores. Who they
were is not known. The name of the author is probably
Aetheria. Who she was is also unknown. She seems
to have lived near the Rhone, in the fourth, fifth, or
sixth century. The Roman Empire was still powerful,
though attacked by enemies. We are told, for example,
that, on the boundaries of Egypt, Aetheria and her
companions were escorted by soldiers from one fortress
to the next, on account of the danger of an attack by
Saracens (Chapter 7.2).
It has been suggested that the author was a woman
of some ecclesiastical position, perhaps an abbess,
because the monks of all the monasteries were very
eager to receive the travellers, to show them the sights,
to climb mountains with them, and to conduct them
from one place to another. For instance, in her
description of Mt. Sinai, Aetheria says (Chapter 7):
See, the priest, who had charge of the church left his
monastery and came to meet us . . . and the
other priests too came to meet us, and also all the
monks who dwelt near that mountain . . . and as
we were leaving the church the priests of that place
gave us gifts, that is of the apples which grow on that
Still, it seems hardly necessary to make Aetheria an
abbess on account of the cordiality of the monks, for is
that not the same hearty reception that one gets even
to-day in out-of-the-way monasteries in the Orient?
A word about the things Aetheria and her party
came to see. Their chief interest was of course religious ;
they were pilgrims. On Sinai they visited the cave
where Moses dwelt when he went to receive the law,
the place where stood the camp of the Israelites, the
rock against which Moses broke the tablets of the law,
THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY
the spot where stood the golden calf, where it rained
manna, where Deuteronomy was written, and, last but
not least, they visited the monks and the holy men who
Whenever the party came to an important site, they
would have a religious service; they would sing a psalm
and read the passage of Scripture in which this particu-
lar place was mentioned. As an example the following
instance will do (Chapter 4) : Towards evening they
came to a pleasant garden before a little Church and in
that garden saw the bush, the identical bush, in the
flames of which the Lord had appeared to Moses. It
was too late for the full service; so they offered prayers
in the Church and in the garden at the bush and read
the proper passage from the book of Moses, 'and so,
because it was late' they 'took lunch before the bush,
together with the holy men'.
Only once in the Peregrinatio does there seem to be
an appreciation of the beauty of nature (Chapter 3.8) :
But from the top of that mountain <Sinai> those
mountains which we had at first ascended only with
great difficulty seemed in comparison with the central
mountain on which we were standing to be as far below
us as though they were little hills, while they were
actually so huge that I did not believe ever to have seen
higher ones except that this central one surpassed them
exceedingly much. But Egypt and Palestine and the
Red Sea and that Parthenian Sea, which leads to Alex-
andria and the territory of the Saracens, we saw lying
beneath us so infinite that it could scarcely be believed.
In general, it might be added, this appreciation of
natural beauty is rare in the pilgrimages. Petrus
Diaconus, or rather one of his sources of very much
earlier date, gives us almost the only other instance
(edition of Geyer, page 1 1 1 ) :
But from Mt. Hermon, which is very high, all
Gallilee is seen .... nothing is more beautiful,
for, since it is a large plain, there is nothing there but
vineyards and olive orchards.
Now and then Aetheria seems a bit dubious, or shall
we say perplexed, at the things she is asked to believe.
When she was in Egypt, following the headlong course
of the Children of Israel fleeing before Pharaoh, a very
great many places, it seems, were pointed out as having
been on the route of the fleeing nation. She says
And I wish your love to believe me, that, at least as
much as I could see, the Children of Israel travelled in
this way, that, just as far as they went to the right, so
far they turned to the left, and, as far as they again
advanced, so far they again turned back, and in this
way they made that journey until they came to the
At another time it seems she was somewhat disap-
pointed. This was when she came to the spot where
Lot's wife was turned to a pillar of salt (12.7) :
But believe me, venerable mistresses, the pillar itself
no longer appears, but the place only is shown; but the
pillar itself is said to have been covered by the Dead Sea.
Certainly when we saw the place we saw no pillar,
and therefore I can not deceive you about this matter.
For the bishop of this place, that is, of Segor, told us
that it was already a number of years since that column
no longer appeared.
It is very interesting to note in this connection how
legends grow and change. In one of the earliest
accounts of this pillar, Carmen de Sodoma, occur the
lines (123 ff.):
For it still remains standing under the open sky,
Not moved from its place by the rains, nor overthrown
by the winds.
Nay, even if some traveller mutilate its form,
Straightway it grows and out of itself it fills the wound.
Theodosius (ca. 530 A.D.) says (Chapter 20) :
There is found the wife of Lot, who was made a
statue of salt, and as the moon grows she grows too, and
as the moon diminishes she diminishes too.
Antoninus of Placentia (ca. 570 A.D.) says (15) :
For the stories people tell about the wife of Lot, that
she grows smaller by animals licking her are not true,
but she stands in the same state in which she was.
According to a still later account, that of the Russian,
Daniel, A.D. 1106, Lot's wife had undergone a second
One verst from Segor to the south on an elevation is
found a pillar of rock which is the wife of Lot.
Aetheria had probably heard similar fanciful tales
of Lot's wife and thus was a bit disappointed when she
did not see her at all. If you will pardon a digression,
I would like to tell you about the disappointment of
another pilgrim, though in an entirely different case.
The story is related in the Itinerary of Antoninus
The nuns told us about the virtues of Maria, who
wandered in the desert< she was evidently a very great
saint>, and for two days the man with whom I was
wandered about seeking her; but whether he found her
or whether he did not find her, he did not wish to tell us.
Still the tunics and the dates and the ground peas, the
gifts which he carried out with him, or the lupines, none
of these he brought back with him. His affliction and
lamentation we were in no wise able to relieve; he only
kept on saying : 'Alas, unfortunate man that I am, why
do I call myself a Christian?'
We can only surmise what did happen or what did
not happen to him.
But let us go back to Aetheria. Our saint seems to
have been free from the tourists' vice of souvenir
hunting. Not so all of her contemporaries. Of course
we must remember that with them it usually was more
than mere souvenir hunting; it was obtaining a sacred
relic. In Jerusalem, says Aetheria (37), the Holy Cross
is shown at certain occasions. But, when it has been
put out on a table, the bishop, seated, puts his hands on
top of the sacred wood, and the deacons who stand
round about, keep watch.
But this is so guarded for the reason that the whole
people coming one by one, believers and catechumens,
bend down to the table and kiss the sacred wood and
then pass on. And because at some time or other some
one is said to have taken a bite, and stolen some of the
sacred wood, for that reason it is now so guarded in this
manner by the deacons who stand round about, that
no one who comes dare again to do thus.
In his account of Arculf's pilgrimage Adamnanus
(ca. 670 A.D.) records the following tale (1.23-24):
In the open center of a Church on tne Mount of
THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY
Olives, which stood at the spot from which Christ's
ascension is said to have taken place, the footprints of
the Savior were shown. The workmen who once
attempted to put a marble pavement over these sacred
vestiges were peremptorily warned not to do so. In
fact the warning was almost a bit too peremptory:
the slabs flew up from the ground into their faces.
Needless to say, the place was not covered over.
And there is a lasting proof of the fact that this dust
was trod by the Lord in that the imprinted footsteps
appear, and, though the earth trod by the Lord is daily
snatched away by the faithful, who gather in great
crowds, still the soil suffers no loss, and the earth pre-
serves its appearance, just as if it had been sealed by His
The same Adamnanus (2.11), speaking of the oak at
Mamre under which the angels appeared to Abraham,
From this trunk, splintered and chopped by axes on
all sides, parts of chips are taken to the different prov-
inces for the sake of the veneration and remembrance
of that oak.
Petrus Diaconus (1137 A.D.), or rather his anony-
mous source, tells this story (ed. Geyer, 113):
the stone on which the Lord placed the bread at
the miraculous feeding of the five thousand was made
into an altar. From this stone those who come chip
off small pieces which they think will restore the health
of the ailing, and they do help all.
An attempt to take home a souvenir of a somewhat
different kind is told by Antoninus (34). In the desert
east of the Jordan the pilgrims came to a convent of
16 or 17 women, who kept a donkey to turn their mill.
And they also possessed a tame lion, which had re-
mained with them ever since it was a cub, huge and
terrible to see. The roar of this lion caused a good deal
of confusion among the pack animals of the travellers
(unfortunately the very realistic Latin cannot be
translated here). The nuns told the pilgrims that the
lion guarded the donkey when he was in the pasture.
The narrative continues thus:
And that most Christian man with whom I was,
through me, offered them 100 solidi <for the lion>, but
they did not wish to accept them.
Another tourist vice is mentioned by the same author
Then after three miles we came to Cana, where the
Lord was at the wedding feast, and we sat on the same
dining couch, and there I, unworthy though I be,
inscribed the names of my parents.
But we must not linger too long over these tales of
the pilgrims. It is of course impossible to do justice to
all of the many accounts of ancient and medieval
pilgrimages, nor can we speak of their successors in the
Modern Languages. I should, however, like to refer
to one more pilgrimage and to some of the documents
relating to it. I mean that of St. Jerome, who went to
the Holy Land in 385 A.D. and took up his permanent
residence at Bethlehem. He was joined by Paula, a
Roman matron of the highest nobility, and her daughter
Eustochium. Now Jerome described his own journey
only in short references in his Letters. But after the
death of Paula he wrote a sketch of her life in which he
pays a great deal of attention to her pilgrimage (Epp.
108). Rather pathetic is what he says concerning
Paula's departure from Italy:
Already the sails were swelling and by the force of the
oars the ship was being drawn out to the high seas. On
the shore little Toxotius <her son> held out his hands
in entreaty and Rufina, <her daughter of marriageable
age>, implored her by her silent tears to wait for her
marriage — still she turned her tearless eyes heaven-
ward, overcoming her love for her children by her love
In Jerome's account we ought to note his childlike
pleasure in his and Paula's knowledge of Hebrew (n):
And departing from that place she came up to Hebron ,
that is Charioth-Arbe, that is the city of four men,
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and great Adam . . .
though many think Caleb the fourth .... She
did not care to go to Cariath-Sepher, that is the city of
letters, because despising the letter that killeth she had
found the spirit that giveth life.
But more interesting than Jerome's version is Paula's
own letter to her friend Marcella (Jerome, Epp. 46).
No matter how little one may value pilgrimages as an
expression of religious feeling, one is forced to admit,
after reading this letter, that in Paula's case the voyage
was the outcome of a deep and sincere religious impulse.
There are few other writings which permit us to see
quite so plainly the emotional background of these
journeys to the Holy Land.
Permit me to quote parts of Paula's letter:
To come to the humble home of Christ and the lodg-
ing of Mary <Bethlehem> . . . with what words,
with what voice can I describe for you the cave of the
Saviour? And that manger, in which, a little child, He
cried, must be honored by silence rather than by weak
words. Where are the wide porticos? Where the
gilded and panelled ceilings? Where the mansions
ornamented by the sufferings of unfortunates and the
labor of prisoners? Where the halls built by private
means to be like a palace in order that the cheap body
of man may wander about at greater expense, and, as
though anything could be more beautiful than the
world, that he may look at his roof rather than at the
sky? See, in this small hole in the earth the Creator
of the heavens was born, here wrapped in rags, here
seen by shepherds, here worshipped by the wise men.
.... Read the Apocalypse of John and consider
what he says about the woman clad in scarlet and the
blasphemy written on her forehead, the seven hills, the
many waters, and the end of Babylon. <For Paula
Babylon is Rome> . . . There is indeed at Babylon
the Holy Church, there are the trophies of the apostles
and the martyrs, there is the true confession of Christ
and the faith preached by the Apostles, and the word of
Christ putting heathendom under foot rises higher day
by day. But the very ambition, the power, the size
of the city, being seen and seeing, being visited and
visiting, praising and detracting, listening or speaking,
and enduring even against one's will so great a crowd of
people — all these things are foreign to a monastic life
and to quiet. For we either receive those who come to
us and lose our quiet, or we do not receive them and are
charged with haughtiness. And, now and then, to
return the calls of those who have visited us, we go to
the doors of the proud, and amid the slanderings of
backbiting servants we enter the gilded doors. But in
the humble home of Christ, as we have said before,
THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY
everything is rustic, and, except for psalms, silence.
Wherever you turn, the plowman, holding the handle of
his plow, sings Hallelujah, the sweating harvester enter-
tains himself with psalms, and the vinedresser, pruning
the vine with curved knife, sings some song of David.
These are the lays in this district, these the love-songs
so-called, this the whistling of shepherds, these the arms
of agriculture. . . . Oh, when will the time come
when a breathless wayfarer brings the message that our
Marcella has landed on the coast of Palestine, and all
the crowds of monks and all the armies of maidens
shout for joy? We are already longing to go and meet
you and without waiting for a wagon to run swiftly on
foot. We will hold your hands, we will see your face,
and it will be difficult to take us from the longed-for
embrace. And will that be the day when we are per-
mitted to enter the cave of the Savior? To weep in
the sepulcher of the Lord together with our mother and
our sister? To kiss the wood of the cross and on Mt.
Olivet to be exalted in will and mind with the ascending
Lord? To see Lazarus come out bound with grave-
clothes and to see the waters of Jordan running more
pure for the baptism of the Lord? . . . Then, when,
accompanied by Christ . . ., we have returned to
our cave, we will sing jointly, we will weep frequently,
we will pray unceasingly, and wounded by the spear of
our Savior we will say in common, I have found Him
and will not let Him go.
Paula's letter, really a very touching arid very human
bit of writing, must be the end of our Palestinian travels.
Perhaps an apology is due for having given so much
time to them; but after all they are by far the most
important of the Itineraries.
Rome and Italy have been rather unfortunate in not
finding a herald to do for them what Pausanias did for
Greece. The only account of a journey through Italy
in antiquity is Horace's Journey to Brundisium
(Sermones 1.5). Interesting as it is, it is very short,
and does not supply a great wealth of information.
Early in the fifth century Rutilius Namatianus
travelled by sea along the coast from Rome to Pisa.
He afterwards wrote a poem embodying his experiences
and describing briefly the cities he passed. This poem
is rather short also (it consists of only 600 lines). A
small sample will suffice (223 ff .) :
The Alsian land is passed and Pyrgi recedes,
Now large villas, once small towns.
Already the sailor points out the boundaries of Caere,
Anciently called Agylla, but age has destroyed its name.
Then we pass Castum, worn away by time and waves.
A half -ruined gate is the memorial of the place.
It is guarded by a divinity carved in a small stone,
One who carries horns on a shepherd's head.
Though long time has destroyed its name,
Rumor has it that this was the Castrum of Inuus,
Whether Inuus be Pan who has exchanged Maenala for
the Tuscan forests,
Or whether he be the native Faun who enters his ances-
While speaking of these poetic Itineraries, we
might also mention the idyll (10.10) in which Venantius
Fortunatus in the sixth century tells of a voyage down
the Moselle from Metz past Trier and Koblentz to
Andernach on the Rhine. He seems to have been in
the company of the Frankish king Childebert. The
echoes of the music in the royal boat, the vineyards on
the high cliffs, the salmon fishing in the river are very
attractively described. It is interesting to compare
this little poem with its better-known predecessor, the
Mosella of Ausonius, which in its beginning at least is
also an itinerary.
But let us return to Italy. About 720 A.D. Willibald,
a young English monk, who later became one of the
chief saints of Bavaria, went on a long pilgrimage to
Rome and the Holy Land. In the account of his life
we have a few words on Lucca, on the Apennines (which
he confuses with the Alps), on Naples, Messina, Syra-
cuse, Mt. Aetna, etc. But his report is not even as full
as that of Rutilius Namatianus. For the rest the Middle
Ages do not seem to have produced any important
traveller's description of Italy.
The city of Rome does not fare very much better.
Varro, the indefatigable, made rather comprehensive
topographical studies for his Antiquities, and these
are the source for many later writers. There are also
some notices in Strabo, Pliny and other authors, which
are based on the writers' own observations. Then
there are extant fragments of a large Marble Plan of the
city, originally made at the time of Vespasian and
restored under Severus and Caracalla. One or two
later documents, the Notitia and the Curiosum, go
back to this plan. These give us the fourteen regions of
Rome, the number of streets, houses, temples, baths,
etc., in each, also the number of officers in charge of each
district. Not one of these writings, however, is a real
The first actual traveller's description of Rome is the
Itinerarium Einsiedlense of the eighth century. It
consists of eleven chapters, each describing a route in
Rome, usually running from one gate through a part of
the city to another gate. This itinerary gives, in three
parallel columns, first the monuments one sees to the
left of the road, then those over which or through which
the road passes, then those to the right of the spectator.
A Porta Sci. Petri usque ad Portam Salariam.
First column: In Sinistra. Sci. Apollinaris; Sci.
Laurentii in Lucina; oboliscum; Sci. Silvestri: ibi
balneum; Sci. Felicis in Pincis. Second column: Per
arcum; forma Virginis. Third column: In Dextra.
Circus Flaminius: ibi Sea. Agnes: thermae Alexan-
drianae et Sci. Eustachii: rotunda et thermae Com-
modianae; columna Antonini; Sea. Susanna et aqua
de forma Lateranense; Thermae Sallustianae et
One can obtain from this description some idea of
what Rome looked like at this time, but the demands
on the imagination are very much greater than they are
in the case of some of the other pilgrimages.
It seems somewhat doubtful whether the so-called
Mirabilia of Rome ought be classed as an Itinerary.
The book is not, strictly speaking, a traveller's account,
but, since it was evidently intended as a handbook for
pilgrims, we may devote to it a moment or two. It
names first the walls of the city, then the gates, the
hills, the bridges, palaces, arches, temples, theaters,
cemeteries, columns, places where martyrs died, etc.
THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY
A number of legends is affixed to the topographical part
of the work; they are extremely interesting but unfor-
tunately too long for this paper. A few miraculous
stories are also inserted in the main part of the book.
One of them has the well-known motif of the man who
is sick with leprosy and cannot be healed except by
bathing in human blood. In the Mirabilia the story is
told of the Emperor Constantine. The conventional
love-story, however, is lacking. The patient is finally
cured by St. Sylvester, then pope (Chapter 30).
After the Mirabilia come several similar though less
important medieval documents, lists of churches, of
cemeteries, routes for papal processions, and so forth.
For any one but a professional topographer they are
We see thus that there is great variety in the Latin
Itineraries: the mere tabulation of resting-places on a
road and of the distances between them, the map-like
Itinerarium Pictum, the Itinerary with short notices,
the elaborate description of famous places; Itineraries
in the prosiest of prose, and in verse, or even in poetry;
some in good Latin, but most in bad; some dry and
statistical, others full of the personality of the writer.
Not one of them is of supreme value, but all of them
give parts of that complex ancient civilization which
each one of us is studying ; and for this reason if not for
their intrinsic value they are worthy of some considera-
CLASSICAL CONFERENCE AT BUFFALO
The Seventy-first Annual Meeting of the New York
State Teachers' Association and Affiliated Organiza-
tions was held at Buffalo, Monday to Wednesday,
November 27-29 last. On Tuesday morning, and after-
noon, and on Wednesday morning, there were sessions
of The Classical Section of the New York State Teach-
ers' Association (The Classical Association of New York
State), with the President, Dr. Mason D. Gray, of the
East High School, Rochester, in the chair. These
sessions, especially that held on Tuesday morning, were
well attended. At various times, too, there was con-
«The following bibliography may be of service. For the Cup
Itineraries see C. I. L. 2.3281-3284; J. H. Henzen, Rheinisches
Museum 9 (1854). 20 ff.; R. Lanciani, Ancient Rome in the Light
of Recent Discoveries. 46; E. W. E. Hubner, Exempla Scripturae
Epigraphicae Latinae. No. 911 (Berlin, 1885); C. I. L. 7.1291.
For the Jerusalem Itineraries, see T. Tobler, A. Molinier, Itinera
Hierosolymitana, in Societe de l'Orient Latin. Serie Geographique
(this contains also the medieval itineraries and those in other
languages) ; Paulus Geyer, Itinera Hierosolymitana Saeculi IIII-
VIII, in Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 39
(Prague, 1898); E. A. Bechtel. Sanctae Silviae Peregrinatio, in
University of Chicago Studies in Classical Philology, 4 (1902);
J. Hilberg, Epitaphium S. Paulae, in Hieronymi Epistulae, No.
CVIII, in Corp. Scrip. Eccles. Lat., 54.2 (Vienna, 1912) ; id., Paulae
et Eustochiae ad Marcellam, ibid.. No. XLVI, in volume 51.1.
For the other Itineraries see M. E. Pinder, G. Parthey, Itine-
rarium Antonini (Berlin, 1848); editions of the Tabula Peutinger-
iana, by Konrad Muller (Ravensburg, 1888), and E. E. A. Des-
jardins (Paris, 1868-1874); Tabula Peutingeriana Arte Photo-
graphica Expressa (Vienna, 1888).
H. Jordan, Romische Topographic 2.539 ff. (Berlin, 1871), con-
tains the Notitia, Curiosum, Mirabilia, and Einsiedeln Itinerary.
See also R. Lanciani, Itinerarium Einsiedlense, in Monumenti
Antichi 1.437 ff. (1871); M. E. Pinder, G. Parthey, Mirabilia
Urbis Romae (Berlin, 1869) ; and C. Muller, Geographi Graeci
Minores (Paris, 1855).
The programme was as follows: Salutatio <Latine
expressa>, Dr. Robert T. Bapst, South Park High
School, Buffalo, Responsiones <et ipsae Latine ex-
pressae>, Professor George D. Kellogg, Union Univer-
sity; The Teaching of Vergil in Secondary Schools,
Professor Charles Knapp, Barnard College; Singing of
Classical Songs; The Classical Reading League (see
The Classical Weekly 9.223), Myrta E. Hunn, High
School, Batavia; Report of the Committee on College
Entrance Requirements, Mr. E. D. Bezant, West High
School, Rochester (the Report dealt with the attitude
of the Colleges in New York State toward Greek as a
subject for admission to College); The Loeb Classical
Library, Frank H. Coffran, Masten Park High School,
Buffalo; Co-operation of the State Department in
Furthering the Reading of Greek and Latin Authors in
Translation, Arthur F. Gardner, High School, Troy;
Demonstration Class in Sight Reading in Cicero,
Professor W. Gear Spencer, Colgate University; The
Proposed New Syllabus in Latin for the First Two
Years, Mr. S. Dwight Arms, State Education Depart-
ment; The Problem of Latin in the Small Village High
Schools, Holmes T. Case, Principal of the High School
at Skaneateles, and Frank M. Smith, Superintendent of
Schools, Johnson City; Devices for the Study of
Derivatives, Ambrose C. Richardson, of Buffalo.
There was also an Exhibition of Classical Cartoons,
prepared by Mrs. Harriet W. Kitts, High School,
Schenectady. Professor Kellogg, Chairman of the
Committee in charge of The Classical Reading League
for the first year of its existence, gave a very interesting
and encouraging statement concerning the number of
teachers who had enrolled as members of the League,
thereby binding themselves to read certain quantities
of Latin or Greek or both weekly, and of the large
number of separate courses which the members were
The officers elected for 19 17 are: President, Pro-
fessor John Ira Bennett, Union University; Vice-
President, Jared W. Scudder, Albany Academy;
Secretary-Treasurer, Mr. J. P. Behm, Central High
School, Syracuse. C. K.
Theodore A. Buenger.
THE PERFORMANCE OF THE PHORMIO, IN
LATIN, AT MOUNT HOLYOKE COLLEGE
On November 24 last, in the Chapin Auditorium, the
Latin Department of Mount Holyoke College pre-
sented in the original the Phormio of Terence.
After six weeks of strenuous instruction, during which
Anglo-Saxons learned to gesture and descendants of
Puritans grew willing to be ridiculous, our cast emerged
with an enthusiastic appreciation of the humor of
Terence and a feeling that Latin was after all delight-
Our scenery was the production of ingenious students
in the Art Department.
The center door of our background we allowed to open
freely, disclosing palms and ferns effectively grouped
round a statue so as to give the impression of a court-
Our costumes we made ourselves, or borrowed from
the properties of previous Classical plays.
Our chief expenses were therefore incurred in the
printing of tickets and programmes and in the payment
of the professional who 'made us up'.
Our audience was most enthusiastic, appreciated all
our extravagant gestures and all the abandon of our
emotions, and departed, we trust, feeling, as we did,
that Latin is a real, live language.
Mi. Holyoke College.
Margaret C. Waites.